On January 9, the Constitutional Courtroom of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) confirmed incumbent President Felix Tshisekedi’s landslide victory within the hotly disputed December 20, 2023 election, however failed to drag the Central African nation out of its full-blown electoral disaster.
Based on the DRC’s Impartial Nationwide Electoral Fee (CENI) and highest court docket, Tshisekedi legitimately received a second and last five-year time period in workplace with a powerful 74 p.c of the vote, forward of Moise Katumbi and Martin Fayulu, who positioned second and third respectively. Nevertheless, within the eyes of many, together with failed presidential contenders Fayuli and Katumbi, the nation’s synchronised presidential, native, provincial and nationwide polls have been an entire “farce”, and even perhaps much less reliable and legit than the shambolic 2011 and 2018 elections.
The joint observer mission from the Catholic Church and the Church of Christ of Congo (ECC) stated they documented 5,402 instances of great irregularities at polling stations. The church buildings stated these alleged anomalies – malfunctioning voting units, unopened polling stations, vote shopping for, plundering of polling supplies, shoddy electoral lists, and poll stuffing – may have compromised “the integrity of the results”.
On Christmas Eve, whereas the shambolic election was nonetheless ongoing in lots of localities the place the state didn’t open polling stations on election day, the Archbishop of Kinshasa Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo voiced the emotions of numerous offended voters within the nation when he stated: “What should have been a great celebration of democratic values quickly turned into frustration for many.”
Certainly, it was extraordinarily irritating to see the DRC repeat the errors of the previous, ignoring insistent warnings. Final April, for instance, Fayulu, who many impartial observers consider received the nation’s controversial December 2018 presidential ballot, printed an opinion piece on this very web page warning his nation was “heading towards another sham election” and inspiring CENI to alter course and guarantee a “free and fair” presidential ballot earlier than it’s too late.
Denis Kadima, the president of CENI, nonetheless, selected to disregard this and different comparable counsel.
Assured as ever, he even launched a thinly veiled assault on the opposition a couple of days earlier than the polls opened, claiming there have been “political groups in this country that are not ready for elections” who “discredit the process, no matter what we do’’. When the sheer scale of the electoral fiasco became obvious in late December, Kadima went on to call Fayulu and other candidates who understandably demanded a rerun “bad losers”.
In the long run, Fayulu and others refused to problem Tshisekedi’s win in court docket, saying state establishments weren’t reliable or impartial. Now, the Congolese individuals are pressured to just accept the outcomes of a clearly bungled ballot and a pacesetter with a disaster of legitimacy for the second time in 5 years.
It’s time to admit that electoral malfeasance and incompetence have turn out to be a considerable menace to societal cohesion, peace and growth within the DRC. And regrettably, this can be a widespread and deep-rooted drawback throughout the Southern African Growth Neighborhood (SADC) area.
Take Zimbabwe, which has failed to carry a single really free, honest and clear election since its independence from British colonial rule in April 1980.
President Emmerson Mnangagwa has received two disputed elections – in July 2018 and August 2023 – over his chief rival, Nelson Chamisa, chief of the principle opposition Residents Coalition for Change (CCC) celebration.
Final yr’s polls, for instance, have been deemed a colossal failure after many polling stations opened late or didn’t open in any respect. The anomalies have been significantly prevalent in Harare and Bulawayo, conventional strongholds of the opposition, elevating suspicion the Zimbabwe Electoral Fee (ZEC) needed to suppress votes there and provides the ruling Zanu-PF celebration a serving to hand. In the meantime, the Zimbabwe Election Assist Community (ZESN) and Election Useful resource Centre (ERC) acknowledged Zanu-PF actors have been engaged in voter intimidation techniques all through the nation.
Understandably, Chamisa asserted the polls have been a “blatant and gigantic fraud”, whereas his celebration referred to as for a rerun. And similar to the DRC’s Fayulu, he refused to problem Mnangagwa’s corrupted triumph in court docket, alleging Zimbabwe’s Constitutional Courtroom was “captured”.
In the meantime, a SADC electoral observer mission (SEOM), led by Dr Nevers Mumba, the previous vice chairman of Zambia, delivered a scathing preliminary evaluation of the August 2023 ballot.
Amongst others, the SEOM criticised facets of ZEC’s Delimitation Report of 2022, and highlighted the contentious choice to exclude Saviour Kasukuwere, a former Mugabe-era Zanu-PF minister, from the presidential race. On this regard, the mission discovered that “some aspects of the Harmonised Elections, fell short of the requirements of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, the Electoral Act, and the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections (2021)”. A plethora of delays, it added, had “a knock-on effect as they dissuaded voters from voting in the first place” and successfully had “the unfortunate effect of creating doubts about the credibility of this electoral process”.
Harare denounced SEOM’s goal assessments and demanded revisions to the preliminary report.
On the identical time, government-owned media launched a vicious smear marketing campaign in opposition to Mumba, accusing him of being on a Western-sponsored “regime change mission”, all with out providing a shred of proof.
In the meantime, South Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa got here to Harare’s defence, as he often does, by declaring that different nations, just like the US, even have electoral challenges – as if tens of millions of annoyed and disfranchised Zimbabweans care in any respect whether or not such issues are additionally skilled to some extent in Washington.
This isn’t an issue just for Zimbabwe, or the DRC, or no matter nation that experiences the newest election debacle both.
You will need to uphold SADC electoral requirements, in each single member nation, as Mumba boldly advocated for in his preliminary report, to enhance our shared wellbeing in Southern Africa.
SADC leaders have failed us all. The power to ship peace, stability and socioeconomic change via the poll field has been become a mere pipe dream in most SADC nations.
Zimbabwe has intensive socioeconomic issues, together with an underperforming financial system, a dilapidated well being sector, and excessive unemployment for a lot of many years. And each suspicious election solely serves to deepen these woes.
Amid persistent insecurity in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri provinces, the mineral-rich DRC seems to be on the identical path as Zimbabwe, and I’m afraid SADC leaders appear keen to idly watch the fast deterioration of the nation’s fragile democracy.
As a substitute of deflecting consideration to sloppy practices in Western nations, Ramaphosa and his colleagues should insist that each SADC nation adheres to the SADC Rules and Tips Governing Democratic Elections.
And at any time when infringements come up, SADC should impose punitive measures.
With 5 years to arrange for elections, SADC member states don’t have any believable excuse to carry substandard polls and successfully endanger the sociopolitical stability of their nations.
To be clear, whom the Congolese or Zimbabweans select to elect as their president shouldn’t be a matter of competition, however the electoral processes within the DRC and Zimbabwe should all the time be open, honest and clear.
They have to improve democracy and never foster outright suspicion, division or violence.
In August 2005, SADC formally established the SADC Electoral Advisory Council, with a mandate to remodel election statement, the conduct of democratic elections and the prevention of electoral-related conflicts within the SADC Area.
So far, it has positively underachieved.
SADC leaders have clearly diminished the council’s envisioned effectiveness over the past 18 years, simply as they’ve shamelessly endeavoured to alter, undermine and disrespect Mumba’s preliminary report on Zimbabwe’s sham election.
Mozambique’s October 2023 municipal polls, Angola’s August 2022 basic elections, Tanzania’s 2020 presidential election, and Malawi’s 2020 presidential election have been additionally tormented by critical electoral contraventions, together with accusations of fraud, poll tampering, violence and repression.
This, unquestionably, is indicative of a wider malaise in Southern Africa: democratic backsliding.
Going ahead, SADC leaders should actively monitor the workings of electoral our bodies and implement efficient interventions with out fail.
The Congolese individuals and Zimbabweans deserve higher.
Southern Africa deserves higher.
The views expressed on this article are the writer’s personal and don’t essentially mirror Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.